Showing posts with label Armed Conflict. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Armed Conflict. Show all posts

February 25, 2010

War takes from us dreams, hopes, and the life of a weaver

Greetings,

We are saddened by the news we received yesterday, that our friend and compañero Andrés Muelas was murdered on Tuesday night as he was returning home on his motorcycle in Northern Cauca, Colombia. It is uncertain who was responsible, but it was nonetheless a senseless act representative of the senselessness of war. We share the communique below in English and the following words in Spanish to honor Andrés, whose life and spirit has touched all of us in different ways.

Epitafio

Ya somos el olvido que seremos.
El polvo elemental que nos ignora
y que fue el rojo Adán y que es ahora
todos los hombres y que no veremos.

Ya somos en la tumba las dos fechas
del principio y el término, la caja,
la obscena corrupción y la mortaja,
los triunfos de la muerte y las endechas.

No soy el insensato que se aferra
al mágico sonido de su nombre;
pienso con esperanza en aquel hombre

que no sabrá que fui sobre la tierra.
Bajo el indiferente azul del cielo
esta meditación es un consuelo.

-- Jorge Luis Borges

Las arismetica nos falla no sabemos si decir que eres uno mas o uno menos o depronto el equilibrio donde el mas y el menos se encuentran para dejarnos el vacio y al mismo tiempo el todo del ejemplo. Aqui estamos hablandote desde la conformidad de la distancia y la inconformidad de la conciencia que se reuza a hacere historia y te quiere en el presente. En este presente que tanto requiere de andreses que caminen mientras nombran la palabra, la palabra libertad. Tu voz hace eco que despierta nuestra concienia colectiva al mismo tiempo con tu sonrisa nos anima y nos alegra. Para que no te conviertas en uno mas o uno menos sino en razon y ser del ejemplo de la libertad.

Colectivo La Chiva, Canada


Safe journey, Andrés.

La Chiva

##

War takes from us dreams, hopes, and the life of a weaver

[02/24/2010] [ ] [Author: Communication Network – ACIN (Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca)]


http://www.nasaacin.org/noticias.htm?x=11158


Andrés Fernando Muelas, his warm and sincere smile will always radiate. The same one that inspired and reminded us that we must continue to fight during times of pain and sorrow, like today.


They don’t tire of causing pain. On his way home last night [Tuesday Feb. 23], a bullet took the life of our compañero, Andrés Muelas. At around 10:30 pm in an area known as El Frutal, five minutes away from the rural township of Mondomo, men in military uniforms came onto the road and began shooting indiscriminately. A truck driver was also killed, and four others travelling on the same road were wounded. It is unknown who is responsible for these killings, but we know that various armed actors travel throughout these areas.


Andrés Muelas began his community involvement as the youth group coordinator in the reserve of Concepción in Northern Cauca, where he was also from. He was an active member of the Council [traditional indigenous authority], acting as an official, secretary, and treasurer. He also worked alongside other compañeros from the Communications Program. Despite his young age, the community selected him to become the coordinator for the Sa’t fxine Kiwe community project for his leadership and intelligence. He also worked with the ACIN’s Communication Network and community radio, was a health assistant, and was part of the musical group Son Rumbero. As the coordinator of the youth and adult education program of the ACIN, our friend and compañero was truly committed to his community.


The bullets from these armed men, who have taken ownership of life, continue to threaten, displace, and steal our territory and our lives. The communities of Jambaló, Caldono and Cajibío have not had the opportunity to recover from the impacts of the armed confrontation that occurred last weekend, and yet this meaningless war continues to sadden and fill with sorrow the Nasa community of Northern Cauca.


Currently, our territory is completely militarized by various soldiers on the roads and highways. Certainly, this incident will be an excuse to increase the military presence in our territory on top of the president’s recent order to place 5,000 soldiers in our territories. Some say they fight for us, others say they fight in order to protect us. The truth is that none of them defend life, and their strategies of terror seek to rob us of our territory in order to take the resources from Mother Earth.


Andrés, your family, your community, and your people, cry for their loss. You leave us today in order to return to our territory’s womb, to accompany those who have given up their life in the name of liberty for our community and those around the world. Your struggle will not be in vain. There will come a day when communities will break the chains of greed and oppression, and we will return to feel that we have a right to life. On this day, Andrés, your name will be with all of us, accompanying and guiding the way of these people that watched you grow.


Safe journey, compañero!

January 18, 2010

Haiti: Assistance and Strategic Resistance

We share this analysis of the evolving situation in Haiti by Dr. Manuel Rozental (Translation by Dan Whitesell)...

Haiti: Assistance and Strategic Resistance

Friends,

I ask you to please read this text, and I sincerely thank you for taking interest in this critical issue. Through these messages I would like to share my analysis, propose a general plan and ask for your help and orientation, as well as your support.

The more I analyze and observe the situation, the more aware I become of the need to get people whose skills are needed into Haiti soon, but under certain minimal conditions so that one does not become a hindrance but rather of service, and to avoid contributing to the mistreatment of the Haitian people, despite the best of intentions. Contacting organizations such as Partners in Health (PIH) run by Paul Farmer, whose political and technical orientation has been clear and one which is guiding efforts on the ground. Establishing contact with journalists and members of different organizations on the ground in order to understand the situation and establish contacts to get to where resources human and material are needed while weaving contacts with organizations outside who are working on mobilizing and transferring such resources is crucial now. Cuban physicians and health workers have been on the ground in Haiti for a long time. Supporting and joining these efforts, which are experienced, disciplined and well coordinated could achieve greater impact. The Via Campesina has launched a solidarity assistance campaign, based on their experience in Asia with the tsunami. The fact is --with respect to emergency help-- that human resources are of little use without equipment, supplies and necessary logistical support, just as these are not effective if qualified personnel are not available and information is difficult to obtain.

I offer the following analysis and proposal for consideration and directional framework:

1. The United States has launched, in alliance with Canada and possibly other countries, a massive military, media and political operation, using the crisis as a pretext. In every aspect, it has the characteristics of “disaster capitalism”, in which the shock caused by the earthquake, is used by transnational and imperial interests to achieve strategic goals. Naomi Klein warned us about this on January 14 in an interview with Amy Goodman. The sending of 10,000 troops, the occupation of the airport, the control of aid delivery (preventing it from arriving), the emphasis on preventing disturbances and controlling the population and the coordination between Clinton-Bush and Obama for a project "similar to the one for the Asian Tsunami", provides sufficient support for this argument.

2. The result of these steps is obvious: Haiti has been occupied. The earthquake has allowed the United States and Canada to station large numbers of troops closer to Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela. U.S. bases have been recently established in Colombia, are being established in Panama and have already been established in the rest of the Caribbean and South America.

3. Everything indicates that, far from providing humanitarian aid, the intention is to use this aid as an instrument of propaganda, as well as to foment what has already begun to happen: a social explosion due to the desperation of people without housing, without water, without food, without services and who come from conditions of absolute poverty. The social explosion would justify the presence of troops and more troops, the complete subjugation of Haiti, the destruction of any resistance in the country and the advance of hemispheric occupation towards the goal of "Free Trade" and to overcome the serious economic crisis. All this while the U.S. government presents itself as generous, to gain public support, when in reality, President Obama has promised only 100 hundred million dollars (a miserable amount), while at the same the military operation costs much more than this.

4. Calculated Reaction: The action of the United States is a provocation, with a strategically calculated reaction. Nicaragua, through President Ortega, has already denounced the U.S. military presence and its intentions and has demanded the withdrawal of troops. It's expected that Venezuela and Cuba will not stand idly by and that, at a minimum, they have started to provide aid directly to the Haitian population. Cuba and Venezuela are already doing so with health personnel, logistics and equipment. With the airport of Puerto Principe occupied by U.S. troops it will not only be difficult to get aid to the people, but also the restricting and monopolizing of aid will complicate matters because Haiti has become a beach head of the United States militarily and we can expect Washington to denounce the presence of Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and other progressive countries as political actions intended to take advantage of Haitian suffering. What these countries do in Haiti becomes a pretext for the U.S. to attack them. What will happen in this situation is unpredictable, but a likely scenario is that the joint humanitarian and political actions of the progressive countries will generate a crisis, which could also lead to an armed confrontation. In other words, all of this could lead to a war for the oil and mineral resources of Venezuela and the region, with the support of and from Colombia. Of course Brazil is a key factor whose reaction and response are still undetermined. It's obvious that this is an act of aggression by the U.S. in their fight for control of Haiti. They are exploiting in an unprecedented act of cowardice the misery and suffering of the people to achieve geo-strategic, military and ultimately economic objectives.

5. Strategic reaction and goals of Solidarity and Resistance: Coordinating a massive relief effort, in an efficient, effective way and in defense of the Haitian people, despite the U.S. military presence, so that the people receive the aid and the world knows it, not only accomplishes humanitarian goals and undermines the pretext for stationing troops --by meeting the needs of people desperate to survive at any cost--, but it also exposes imperial interests and ultimately, becomes a way to defend Haiti from occupation by encouraging a viable resistance of solidarity in the face of tragedy. It also prevents a hemispheric war and the advance of military occupation for economic ends. To put it another way, we should oppose the strategic project of concentrated capital by developing a coordinated strategic project of resistance to the reigning economic model and for the dignity of Haiti. Following the coup in Honduras, this is another step toward hemispheric occupation for transnational corporations and global financial interests. As we move forward in providing humanitarian assistance, a vital and pressing component of solidarity, it's essential and urgent that we consolidate and coordinate comprehensive strategic goals.

6. Key tactical goals that come to mind immediately are:

a. To mobilize material and human resources: Health (particularly surgical support), in coordination with people on the ground and from organizations with experience and credibility in this area, that are not serving the interests of Washington. Via Campesina, PIH in Haiti, Cuba, ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas), HSA (the Hemispheric Social Alliance) and others. What's important is to know what's needed and where, send it there and create the conditions, along with the people to make it work. We already know there's humanitarian solidarity; what's missing is organization and direction and it should be better coordinated and aligned to achieving strategic goals.

b. To develop logistics (this is what is most needed at this time and what the United States controls), such that we can identify what's needed, mobilize and deliver it. People are needed on the ground in Haiti and in coordination outside of Haiti. Via Campesina has considerable experience in this area (tsunami).

c. Political-communications-
solidarity work. Analysis and news that serve as a counterweight to what the system is generating in terms of propaganda and actions. The magnitude of what they are attempting to do in Haiti is just as bad as what they did in Iraq under the pretext of concern for weapons of mass destructions. The world turned out to protest massively against that war. People must be informed of what's really going on if they are to take action. This requires committed people with political clarity to be in Haiti to help communicate for the resistance and to build resistance. Without this work, the two previous goals cannot succeed.

7. What's needed immediately is humanitarian aid, within this contextual framework. President Evo Morales, revealing his human decency and his political ability, will go directly to Haiti on Monday (January 18th) in a Bolivian plane to deliver aid. His presence in Haiti is an extraordinary act of solidarity, but it's also a way to encourage others to provide help, to put logistics in motion and to serve as a counterweight through his immediate presence on the ground. It will be his word and his actions that communicate much more than any speech. With this gesture, he is providing resistance to the provocation, setting the example, working to prevent war and going directly to the people. His visit deserves great attention and strategic support, but it also shows us the way. We must respond by reaching people inside and outside of Haiti to provide aid first of all and also to expose the aggressor at the same time. At the same time, governments of countries such as Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba have quietly and immediately mobilized resources and aid and are working on the ground.

Under these circumstances, those of us who feel a commitment to go to Haiti, with specific and most needed skills (health care, electricians, reconstruction, logistic support, disaster planning, etc.) but also as communicators and strategic activists, would do best to be involved as part of a coordinated and strategic effort, so as not to become a hindrance while there and to avoid serving the interests of the occupation and transnational capital. Also, if one is not familiar with Haiti, one would be lost there.

As many of us continue to look for contacts and counterparts, and many have already gone to Haiti as part of solidarity and assistance teams, I share this analysis and interpretation of the context, while I feel, as many others do, the anxiety to contribute and be of service to an exemplary people who have been abused and humiliated in the most un-exemplary way and whose suffering causes in us a wrath and pain that become desperation if we fail to act. In solidarity, we need to act in accordance with our inner sense of commitment, serving as part of a conscious and coordinated effort. I'm not saying that these conditions have to be met before anything is done, but rather that there should be at least coordination and strategic understanding of the context and goals of the assistance for the people of Haiti, to continue to work toward effective and decent assistance and solidarity, if the analysis proposed here based on my observations is essentially correct. I hope our exchanges and the course we set for ourselves can become our common task. With this in mind, I write to you

In solidarity,

Manuel Rozental
January 17th, 2010.
General Surgeon with sub-specialization in colorectal surgery
I've been a physician for 29 years and practice in Colombia and Canada
Activist in the Americas and Communicator
Member of the Secretariat of the Hemispheric Social Alliance
Tejido de Comunicaciones ACIN (The Northern Cauca Indigenous Communications Network)

October 20, 2009

Calle 13 to the Colombian Foreign Ministry


At the recent MTV Latin America awards ceremony, 'Residente', of the Puerto Rican group Calle 13, showed up in a shirt that read "Uribe Para Bases Militares" (Uribe, Stop the Military Bases). The design of the shirt offered a double meaning: "Uribe Paramilitar" (Uribe: Paramilitary).

While it's not sure which meaning was more offensive to the Colombian government, as either express equally damning truths about the regime, the Foreign Ministry felt compelled to issue a statement on the rock star's t-shirt: "The message presents offensive content against the president of Colombians."

(He also said Chavez should be nominated for the 'best pop star' award, and demanded Honduran coup government leader Micheletti "leave power".)

We've translated below the response of 'Residente', within which there are no apologies for expressing an opinion and a fact lived by too many in Colombia, as well as in the artist's native Puerto Rico. Adelante, Calle 13!

October 20, 2009

San Juan, Puerto Rico.

Open letter to the Colombian foreign ministry,

I write this letter to let you to know how I feel from the bottom of my heart. I love Colombia, and that’s why I’m worried about the establishment of foreign military bases in the country. As a Puerto Rican, I have lived this reality in my heart and soul, and I wouldn’t like what happens in my country to happen in yours.

According to your statement, I have insulted your president through the text on my t-shirt. On that shirt there was a play on words, a double meaning. You can interpret it however you like. I read it clearly: Uribe, Stop the Military Bases. A clear and direct message.

Through Twitter, the people created the concept of my shirts. The Colombia shirt was made by a Colombian, the Venezuela shirt by a Venezuelan, and so on.

The idea behind the shirts was to give voice to the people, those who, in general, aren’t listened to. Instead of wearing a nice tie, I decided to send a message. The message didn’t come from me but from someone who breathes the same air breathed in Colombia everyday.

My struggle is not against the president but against everything that promotes war, such as the military bases. The text of the t-shirt represents the feelings of many young people in your country, those who like any other human being with feelings I share completely. In this century, it can’t be that there are still those who lack the ability to understand the right artists have to express what we feel at every level. Censorship shouldn’t be the business of government. Whoever doesn’t want to listen to me should simply not go to my concerts. That would be the most valid and legitimate way to censor me. With all due respect to Mr. Uribe, the president of Colombia isn’t Colombia. Colombia is much more than a president. As Rubén Blades says, “patriotism is not defined by those who suppress a people.”

With these words, I sign off. But before I do so, I send a kiss to all the places I have visited in Colombia, such as the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Palenque, San Jacinto, Maicao, Cali, Medellín, Bogotá, Valledupar, Cúcuta, Bucaramanga, Barranquilla, Cartagena, and all the places that I haven’t been.

René Perez Joglar.
Residente
calle 13

September 30, 2009

Where will you stand on the Canada-Colombia FTA?

By Micheál Ó Tuathail, 30 September 2009

I spent a good part of the other week watching the performances of Liberals and Conservatives in the Canadian House of Commons as they debated Bill C-23, implementing legislation of the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA). With a looming election, one might have expected some attempt to meaningfully distinguish the parties from one another, even on an issue as contentious as supporting a regime engaged in genocide against its own people.

What I saw was Liberals and Conservatives joining forces to defend the regime in Colombia against its critics within the NDP and Bloc Quebecois, knowing that with passage of the CCFTA in Canada, Colombia’s other stalled FTAs with the United States, Norway and other countries would come under pressure to be passed as well. The bill, once removed from the government’s agenda in the spring because of widespread public opposition, returned as the top priority of the Harper government when Parliament resumed in the fall session in September.

As the debate dragged on, the government downgraded the bill’s priority, resulting in a short but uneasy calm for those of us fighting this legislation. Some of the most passionate speeches in support of the Uribe regime came from the Conservative government, as one would expect. It’s their bill. But, on the whole, the Liberal performance was not much different.

Two Liberal MPs, in particular, Bob Rae and Scott Brison, showed themselves to be true cheerleaders of Colombian President Álvaro Uribe Vélez and the 'free trade' dogma. Both are members of the International Trade Committee and recently returned from a four-day trip to Colombia at the end of August.

The important thing is not so much their visit, which appears to have been heavily orchestrated by those who typically orchestrate such things, but their reaction in the House and ignorance of what was going on around them. Either they are incredibly naïve, or they willingly overlook the facts on the ground. I think the latter to be much more plausible; their staff must read the Colombian papers, or at least the countless letters sent to Liberal MPs over the past several months.

In any case, the points below are a few things Liberal and Conservative MPs in Canada should know about, if they are doing as much of their homework as they say they are. Canadians should know this, too.

Another Massacre Against the Awá

Mr. Speaker, this debate should not be about ideology, it should be about people: the people of Colombia whose lives have been ripped apart and turned upside down by civil war and narcopolitics. – Liberal MP Scott Brison’s speech from the House floor

In the early morning of 26 August, armed men in camouflage broke into a home in El Rosario, Nariño, shooting and killing 11 indigenous Awá, including four children and three adolescents. A few days earlier, Gonzalo Rodríguez was murdered; his wife was among those murdered on the 26th.

Conservatives and Liberals have often quoted Human Rights Watch, so here is what José Miguel Vivanco, HRW's Americas Director, had to say about it: “Initial reports suggest that members of the [Colombian] Army may have massacred these people, with the purpose of eliminating and intimidating witnesses of atrocities.”

The Awá were also attacked this past February by the FARC, who later admitted to carrying out the massacre of 11 people, while the Awa reported the murder of 38. The response from the Colombian government since then has not been to provide justice but to continue with attacks of its own.

As the Communications Network of the indigenous of Northern Cauca highlighted in an excellent analysis of the February massacre, the militarization and attacks on the Awa in Nariño have everything to do with megaprojects planned for the region, one where multinationals see resources for export and not the people who live there. Massive infrastructure projects, like the IRSA and national projects, constitute the open veins through with the continued pillage of Latin America through 'free trade' is intended to flow.

The ‘Three-Letter Cartel’: Recent Revelations about Colombia’s Secret Police

Colombia has made real economic, social and security progress in recent years, but it is a fragile progress, under the constant threat of FARC terrorists, drug gangsters and hostile attacks from the Chavez regime in Venezuela. – Scott Brison’s speech from the House floor

On September 6, Colombian television networks broadcast an interview with Rafael García, a former Information Director of the Colombian secret service, best known by its Spanish acronym, DAS. It has more recently become known by what its own insiders have called it, the ‘three-letter cartel.’

Mr. García, currently in hiding abroad, revealed that the DAS has been directly involved in the trafficking of narcotics. In his own words (my translation):

[Former DAS Director] Jorge Noguera travelled to Mexico as part of his job as DAS Director. In reality, this trip (which was official and paid for by the Colombian government) was intended to establish alliances with the narco-trafficking organization of the Beltrán Leiva brothers. He did it, which meant that speed boats filled with drugs would be received in Mexico by that organization, which in turn was responsible for transporting the drugs to the states of the East Coast of the US.

Jorge Noguera, DAS Director from Uribe’s inauguration in 2002 until October 2005, is currently being investigated for numerous crimes, including murder. He is accused of passing ‘intelligence’ on trade unionists and academics to paramilitaries, who later murdered these people. When the paramilitary-DAS scandal broke in October 2005, Uribe shipped Noguera off to Italy as Colombian Consul in Milan, like a delicate piece of dirty laundry.

The DAS has also been under major criticism for illegally spying on members of the Supreme Court, human rights activists and political opponents of Uribe. García’s testimony also confirms previous reports that a DAS-paramilitary alliance was involved in a plot against the government of Venezuela.

As a recent report in the New York Times notes, over the last 5 decades, Colombian presidents have empowered the DAS to work under the sole direction of the president, who appoints all high-level officials at the agency. Mr. Uribe is thus not only aware of but also directly responsible for their actions, as they report to him alone.

Such is this reality that Mr. Uribe has reacted by announcing that he will suddenly dissolve the DAS after over 5 decades of existence and replace it with a new agency. In accordance with the style of Uribe, this unprecedented measure is intended to cover-up the president's role in crimes for which he will one day be judged.

I asked Colombian opposition Senator Jorge Enrique Robledo what he thought of the DAS scandal. He responded with the obvious question, “well, what would have been the reaction in Canada if [CSIS] had been dismantled over a scandal that implicated Harper in similar crimes?”

The above revelations make Brison's comments all the more peculiar. Is he really that ignorant of events that took place in Colombia around the same time has his visit?

Baseless Lies become Threats for Export

Watching the debates on the House floor, I was astounded as many Liberal and Conservative members alike demanding that members opposed to Bill C-23, such as NDP MP Peter Julian, apologize for presenting information on the connections between Mr. Uribe and paramilitary death squads and drug lords in Colombia.

That’s right, they demanded an apology.

When Uribe came to Canada with baseless claims that people in Canada working against the CCFTA were 'foreign ambassadors' of the FARC guerrilla, classified by Canada as a terrorist organization, proponents of the CCFTA, including the Canadian Prime Minister, said nothing apart from that the deal had to be passed.

The FARC-Canada allegations came from a 'news' story broadcast by Colombian network RCN. The mainstream press in Colombia frequently uses these tactics to single out individuals opposed to the regime, people who are then persecuted and in some cases murdered by legal or illegal armed groups.

That same story was irresponsibly re-published in the Canadian press.

Sure enough, the allegations were revealed to be completely false, as those named as FARC’s 'foreign ambassadors' supposedly working with 'left political parties' and 'human rights organizations' in Canada had never left Colombia. The lies of the regime also singled out Vancouver, Quebec and Toronto as hosting the 'offices' of the FARC in Canada. Those places are also where there has been much peaceful mobilization and activity against FTA.

Discrediting opposition with baseless lies is Uribe's calling card, and the Lib-servative alliance bent on passing the FTA did nothing to stand up for Canadians engaged in an honest debate on an issue that matters to them. There were no demands for an apology there.

Is it acceptable that a foreign president up to his ears in scandals for direct links between his secret service and narco-paramilitaries and the murder of innocent people is able to come to Canada and call citizens 'terrorists' without a shred of proof?

Canada Turns a Blind Eye

Oh, and there is also the so-called 'false positives' issue, the Uribe's bribery of Congressmembers to have the constitution amended so he could run again (the first time, that's his current mandate!), and the scandal surrounding the use of the Red Cross emblem in the 'rescue' of former FARC hostage Ingrid Betancourt, a violation of the Geneva Conventions.

But the ignorance of the above points in the House of Parliament is driven by an ideological fervour for the advancement of neoliberalism in Colombia, Canada and around the globe. Massacre, corruption, drug-trafficking and the silencing of opponents is what is being supported by the Canadian government (and the Liberal Party that props it up) as long as it ignores the realities lived by people in Canada and Colombia alike.

Let's stop pretending that Colombia needs an FTA to resolve its problems. Of this there is not a single proof. Let’s stop pretending Canadian multinationals somehow do not also benefit from the forced displacement of millions of Colombians through violence and terror. Let's also stop pretending that Colombia's problems are Colombia's alone. Let's stop assuming that this is just about human rights violations in Colombia. Something is broken in Canada!

With a looming election, now is the time for the Liberal Party to step up to its own rhetoric. I hope the Liberal Caucus in particular is capable of seeing past the lies and misinformation of the Colombian government and those interests that see only resources and not the wellbeing people. So far, it hasn't.

I hope they come to realize the ignorance of their Trade Critic and resist his whip the next time Bill C-23 comes into the house for debate. If the likes of Brison and Rae are incapable of even reading the news in Colombia, what authority do they have to defend the regime as they do, to make the decisions they do?

I trust that there are several Liberal MPs who are strongly unnerved by the direction of the party on this and many other issues as their party has shifted further to the right. I hope they will speak out.

The people have owners, and an FTA means we’ll have a hard time doing anything about that if we ever decide we want to act collectively. The pressure must be kept up. In opposing the CCFTA, we as Canadians have nothing to gain but a bit of our own dignity and the knowledge that we did not stand by in silence while the Canadian government once again aligned itself with murderers and sold us out to thieves.

Where will you stand?

September 16, 2009

Noam Chomsky: Militarizing Latin America

Written by Noam Chomsky
Originally published in In These Times, September 9, 2009

The United States was founded as an “infant empire,” in the words of George Washington. The conquest of the national territory was a grand imperial venture. From the earliest days, control over the hemisphere was a critical goal.


Latin America has retained its primacy in U.S. global planning. If the United States cannot control Latin America, it cannot expect “to achieve a successful order elsewhere in the world,” observed President Richard M. Nixon’s National Security Council in 1971, when Washington was considering the overthrow of Salvador Allende’s government in Chile.


Recently the hemisphere problem has intensified. South America has moved toward integration, a prerequisite for independence; has broadened international ties; and has addressed internal disorders—foremost, the traditional rule of a rich Europeanized minority over a sea of misery and suffering.


The problem came to a head a year ago in Bolivia, South America’s poorest country, where, in 2005, the indigenous majority elected a president from its own ranks, Evo Morales.


In August 2008, after Morales’ victory in a recall referendum, the opposition of U.S.-backed elites turned violent, leading to the massacre of as many as 30 government supporters.


In response, the newly-formed Union of South American Republics (UNASUR) called a summit meeting. Participants—all the countries of South America—declared “their full and firm support for the constitutional government of President Evo Morales, whose mandate was ratified by a big majority.”


“For the first time in South America’s history, the countries of our region are deciding how to resolve our problems, without the presence of the United States,” Morales observed.


Another manifestation: Ecuador’s president Rafael Correa has vowed to terminate Washington’s use of the Manta military base, the last such base open to the United States in South America.


In July, the U.S. and Colombia concluded a secret deal to permit the United States to use seven military bases in Colombia.


The official purpose is to counter narcotics trafficking and terrorism, “but senior Colombian military and civilian officials familiar with negotiations” told the Associated Press “that the idea is to make Colombia a regional hub for Pentagon operations.”


The agreement provides Colombia with privileged access to U.S. military supplies, according to reports. Colombia had already become the leading recipient of U.S. military aid (apart from Israel-Egypt, a separate category).


Colombia has had by far the worst human rights record in the hemisphere since the Central American wars of the 1980s. The correlation between U.S. aid and human rights violations has long been noted by scholarship.


The AP also cited an April 2009 document of the U.S. Air Mobility Command, which proposes that the Palanquero base in Colombia could become a “cooperative security location.”


From Palanquero, “nearly half the continent can be covered by a C-17 (military transport) without refueling,” the document states. This could form part of “a global en route strategy,” which “helps achieve the regional engagement strategy and assists with the mobility routing to Africa.”


On Aug. 28, UNASUR met in Bariloche, Argentina, to consider the U.S. military bases in Colombia.


After intense debate, the final declaration stressed that South America must be kept as “a land of peace,” and that foreign military forces must not threaten the sovereignty or integrity of any nation of the region. And it instructed the South American Defense Council to investigate the Air Mobility Command document.


The bases’ official purpose did not escape criticism. Morales said he witnessed U.S. soldiers accompanying Bolivian troops who fired at members of his coca growers union.


“So now we’re narco-terrorists,” he continued. “When they couldn’t call us communists anymore, they called us subversives, and then traffickers, and since the September 11 attacks, terrorists.” He warned that “the history of Latin America repeats itself.”


The ultimate responsibility for Latin America’s violence lies with U.S. consumers of illegal drugs, Morales said: “If UNASUR sent troops to the United States to control consumption, would they accept it? Impossible.”


That the U.S. justification for its drug programs abroad is even regarded as worthy of discussion is yet another illustration of the depth of the imperial mentality.


Last February, the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy issued its analysis of the U.S. “war on drugs” in past decades.


The commission, led by former Latin American presidents Fernando Cardoso (Brazil), Ernesto Zedillo (Mexico), and Cesar Gaviria (Colombia), concluded that the drug war had been a complete failure and urged a drastic change of policy, away from forceful measures at home and abroad and toward much less costly and more effective measures — prevention and treatment.


The commission report, like earlier studies and the historical record, had no detectable impact. The non-response reinforces the natural conclusion that the “drug war”—like the “war on crime” and “the war on terror”—is pursued for reasons other than the announced goals, which are revealed by the consequences.


During the past decade, the United States has increased military aid and training of Latin American officers in light infantry tactics to combat “radical populism”—a concept that, in the Latin American context, sends shivers up the spine.


Military training is being shifted from the State Department to the Pentagon, eliminating human rights and democracy provisions formerly under congressional supervision, always weak but at least a deterrent to some of the worst abuses.


The U.S. Fourth Fleet, disbanded in 1950, was reactivated in 2008, shortly after Colombia’s invasion of Ecuador, with responsibility for the Caribbean, Central and South America, and the surrounding waters.


Its “various operations include counter-illicit trafficking, Theater Security Cooperation, military-to-military interaction and bilateral and multinational training,” the official announcement says.


Militarization of South America aligns with much broader designs. In Iraq, information is virtually nil about the fate of the huge U.S. military bases there, so they presumably remain for force projection. The cost of the immense city-with-in-a-city embassy in Baghdad is to rise to $1.8 billion a year, from an estimated $1.5 billion.


The Obama administration is also building mega-embassies in Pakistan and Afghanistan.


The United States and United Kingdom are demanding that the U.S. military base in Diego Garcia be exempted from the planned African nuclear-weapons-free-zone—as U.S. bases are off-limits in similar zoning efforts in the Pacific.


In short, moves toward “a world of peace” do not fall within the “change you can believe in,” to borrow Obama’s campaign slogan.

July 28, 2009

ON THE U.S. MILITARY BASES IN COLOMBIA

Senator Jorge Robledo, Bogotá, July 11, 2009

As we now know, the government is secretly planning --without consulting the Foreign Relations Advisory Commission, Congress or particularly public opinion-- to grant concessions to the United States to use five Colombian military bases, one of the worst decisions in the country's history. Two of the bases are on the Caribbean coast (Cartagena and Barranquilla), one on the Pacific Coast (in Bahía Málaga, close to Buenaventura), another one in the middle of the country (in Palanquero, close to La Dorada) and the fifth in Apiay, on the Eastern Plains. This decision would turn Colombia into an occupied country, threaten neighboring countries and violate national sovereignty and the Constitution.

The government has presented this piece of nonsense as a relatively minor matter because, they say, the military base that Washington currently operates in Manta, Ecuador --which will be closed as ordered by the new Ecuadorian Constitution-- will not be relocated to Colombia, but rather its functions will be transferred to five installations controlled by North American troops within Colombian military bases, parts of which they will use.

It should be pointed out that among the new strategies for global domination by the biggest empire in history is the use of military bases called "lily pads", which can be relatively small because they are designed to be expanded or for troops to jump from one to the other. According to Chalmers Johnson, emeritus professor from the University of California, "Most of these new bases will be what the military, in a switch of metaphors, calls 'lily pads' to which our troops could jump like so many well-armed frogs" (http://www.deslinde.org.co/files/Es...). And in Colombia they would do it with the advantage that, in the first jump, U.S. troops could take over the Colombian military base where they are stationed.

According to Cambio, the Colombian weekly news magazine that originally broke this story (http://www.cambio.com.co/paiscambio...), the five bases will escalate the American military presence in Colombia, not just because of their number and locations. They will be used to wage the drug war and also to fight "terrorism", a term that, as is well known, Washington defines as it sees fit. And the American troops will be able to operate in other countries from these bases, and without consulting anybody. Can any reasonable person rest assured that the Pentagon will never take action from these bases, breaking agreements and going against Colombia, if imperial interests so dictate?

With calculated and false innocence, the government of Alvaro Uribe --which maintains its support for the U.S. invasion of Iraq-- presents the five military bases as American "aid" to Colombia, when in fact these will be added to the other 700 that the United States already possesses in the world, bases on which half a million men and women operate. It would be naive to ignore the fact that they exist to defend the interests of domination that underlie the decisions emanating from the White House, including those made by Barack Obama. This, as well, should be understood in the logic of the dark strategy of "perpetual war" defined by the Pentagon, the most recent American military theory for control of the world, a policy within which, and as Brazil has denounced, the United States sent the Fourth Fleet to operate in Latin American and Caribbean waters (http://www.elespectador.com/impreso... and http://www.clarin.com/diario/2008/0...).

The main reason for the official secrecy is the total unsuitability of a decision made under the influence of a foreign power, that can only bring problems to the country due to the serious violation of sovereignty and self-determination in the political, economic and social spheres and because it subjugates the nation in the worst way to the horrors of war and the interests of the superpower, pits it against neighboring countries and discredits it more in the eyes of the world's democrats. And the secrecy also has to do with the fact that these five military bases --even if they're given another name, as has been planned to confuse people-- are unconstitutional for two different reasons. The first, because the Constitution stipulates that Colombia's international relations are to be based on sovereignty and the right to self determination. And the second, because there is no law that allows bases of this type in Colombia, given that the Charter, in articles 173 and 237, only authorizes "the transit --that is, the temporary passage-- of foreign troops through the territory of the Republic", without previous Senate approval and agreement by the State Council, a step the government decided to skip.

March 15, 2009

ANOTHER INDIGENOUS COMMUNICATOR PERSECUTED IN CAUCA, COLOMBIA

Written by Tejido de Comunicación y Relaciones Externas (ACIN)
March 14, 2009

Spanish: http://www.nasaacin.org/noticias.htm?x=9679
English: http://www.nasaacin.org/noticias.htm?x=9680

Another of our compañeros from the Tejido de Comunicación [Communications Network] of the Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca (ACIN) is a victim of threats and attacks aimed at silencing us. Hugo Dagua is a founding member of the Tejido de Comunicación and one of the coordinators of Radio Pa´yumat, “The Voice of the Nasa People.” He is also an exceptional technician who has directed our radio programming and supported the process of the ACIN in every aspect.

Since the 12th of March, unidentified men on motorcycles have been following him and carrying out surveillance at his home. Hugo noticed their activity and has sought refuge while making the relevant denunciations.

We call for necessary solidarity with the Tejido. They insist on silencing us. This latest aggression against Hugo is preceded by threats of violence against Gustavo Ulcué and defamation against Manuel Rozental, both of whom are members of the same Tejido de Comunicación.

We demand protection and actions in defense of our lives, our integrity, and our work in defense of truth and life. At the same time we are thankful for the continued solidarity. Concrete actions are required in defense of the word that we walk.



Translated by La Chiva

February 22, 2009

WHY THEY KILL THE AWÁ

Written by Network of Communication and External Relations for Truth and Life
Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca (ACIN),
12 February 2009.

Translated by some people in Canada from the original Spanish text, available here: http://www.nasaacin.org/noticias.htm?x=9550

It is overcome by pain and sadness that we write these lines. We write from the shared rage we feel towards this criminal act, apparently committed by the FARC, whom we condemn for these irreversible horrors and the shedding of innocent blood.

As we write, the Colombian Minister of Defense, Juan Manuel Santos, is arriving in the Department of Nariño to conduct the military operations that constitute the government’s response to the massacres and terror these indigenous communities are now facing. Referring to the difficulty in obtaining the cooperation of the indigenous peoples, Minister Santos stated to the media: “We hope we can convince [the Awá] that the best position, the best attitude they can have is to collaborate with the authorities, with the Armed Forces.”

“Kick them while they’re down” is the phrase that best describes the government’s reaction to these terrible circumstances, basing its response on the supposition that, according to the information available, the FARC committed the massacre. The result is that the atrocity—this massacre, the massive displacement, and disappearances, all faced by communities caught in the middle of this terror—is blamed on the victims. It is their fault, implies the Minister, because they refused to collaborate with the Armed Forces. He tries to convince us that, if the Armed Forces had been in the territory, the violence would not have happened. As a consequence, the complete militarization of the territory is underway with the pretext of protecting the Awá, who in turn run to the forests while some of their leaders, seeing no other option, call for the help of the Armed Forces. The media, the government coalition and their spokespeople all echo these calls, and Colombians terrified by the horror of this ongoing genocide, in turn call for the same.

United in calling for the protection of these people and for justice to be served, we denounce the assassins, whoever they may be; in this case, we denounce the FARC, who in carrying out these actions have confirmed a terrible truth: they have evolved into one more agent of terror against the people. These perverse acts are the same as those carried out by the paramilitaries, the Armed Forces, and all others who use violent force to subjugate Colombia’s peoples and communities. We have denounced them before, and we denounce them now: at its core, terror is used as a means for achieving certain ends that ought to be acknowledged. If these ends are ignored, the only expected result is atrocity; without objectives, massacre and terror have no motive. They would be ends in themselves – terror for terror’s sake. But terrorism, from wherever it comes, is a mechanism to achieve objectives other than those stated; that is why the truth demands a different reaction, one that comes from the entire Colombian population, from indigenous peoples and organizations, and one that is backed by the governments and peoples of the world.

The truth can be found in the answer to a necessary question: Why do they massacre the Awá? It is absolutely critical to ask this and to react coherently and firmly in consequence. To do otherwise is to allow the terror of this massacre to serve as an excuse to commit further massacres, as a mechanism to displace the people from their territory, culture, and way of life, and to make them disappear in a premeditated genocide. If this happens, those who have sacrificed to defend their lives, cultures and territories will have fought for nothing. Once again, we will have allowed ourselves to be convinced that these massacres against the Awá in Nariño have nothing to do with the massacres in San José de Apartadó, Urabá, Catatumbo, Amazonía, Cauca and across the country. That these massacres have nothing to do with the murders of women, trade unionists, peasants, human rights activists, and the entire package that accompanies acts of terror, no matter who the perpetrators are [1]. Because we understand terrorism to be a perverse means to achieve perverse ends, we refuse to forget, we point out the crimes, and we denounce and condemn the FARC with pain and rage, not only for this latest crime in which they have sown pain, death and misery, but also for contributing to the pillage that forces indigenous peoples from their communities and lands.

The Facts:

1. Terror as a Tool

“We are People of the Mountain, children of the wild forest, and for these they are going to have to take our lives” was the premonitory statement of Eder Burgos, coordinator of Camawari, of August 10, 2008. It was made during the hearing to review the critical situation of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Rights Law (IHL) faced by the Awá people. The hearing took place in the presence of officials from various levels of the Colombian government, watchdog officers, UN representatives, and NGOs from the Human Rights sector, under the watchful eye of over seventy people from indigenous groups, most of them members of this people who had mobilized in southern Colombia. According to the communiqué from the National Organization of Indigenous People of Colombia (ONIC, by its Spanish acronym), “during the hearing, authorities and representatives of the Awa people submitted a report obtained through grassroots consultation, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the Ombudsman’s Office and SAT”. Both the hearing [2] and the report evidence the dramatic developments of the pillage for land by all the armed participants against the indigenous population. The communiqué points out that communities in the townships of Tumaco, Barbacoas, Roberto Payan, Samaniego and Ricaurte have brought forward specific abuses, such as “‘three days of bombardments, including places where the displaced population [was] coming together in the town of Ricaurte, specifically in the indigenous reserves of Magui and Imbima,’ as had already been made clear by the regional Ombudsman for the Department of Nariño to his superior in a letter dated today”. These are the territories where the community is currently being massacred.

Both the Resolution and the Report denounce and give clear evidence of the presence of terror in that territory, the dirty war against the civilian population that implicates the Armed Forces as well as illegal armed actors, supporting the claims that terror is being used against the indigenous communities as a strategy for submission and to deprive them of their land [3].

The evidence contained in the Report, the Hearing and the Resolution, put together, demonstrate the groundlessness of the allegations made by the Minister of Defense. The Armed Forces have been and currently are spreading terror against the Awá; therefore, far from being a warrantor against abuse and the violation of Human Rights, they are a direct threat against its application. All the armed actors are exercising violence against the Awá.

2. Greed and Megaprojects

a. Agribusiness y plantations: The Colombian Pacific Coast and the lowlands, all of which include the ancestral territories of the Awá now suffering massacres and forced displacement, are zones of strategic interest for projects of capital accumulation, both legal and illegal, including monocrop operations of rubber, and palm oil, as well as the cultivation of coca and laboratories for the processing of coca leaves. As is the case for the rest of the country, these agribusiness projects demand the use of, and rely upon terror inflicted against the ancestral inhabitants of these lands [4]. Their displacement coincides with the theft of their land [5] [6].

b. Mining and Vital Resources: As the Situation Bulletin on Human Rights and IHL in Nariño concludes, “The geographical resources in Nariño have brought about investment analyses by multinational corporations to explore the viability of projects for strategic resources such as uranium and gold” [7]. As reported by the national agency for the mining industry, INGEOMINAS, Sociedad Kedahda S.A., a division of Anglo Gold Ashanti, submitted 110 applications for mining contracts in Nariño in July of 2007. These applications are disturbing based on this corporation’s history of intervention: there is a strong correlation between the activity of this corporation and the violation of Human Rights. Resources among the 37 municipalities in Nariño for which Kedahda S.A. has submitted applications are as follows: for the municipalities of Taminango, Leiva, Rosario, Policarpa, Cumbitara, Samaniego, and Barbacoas there is a wealth of gold, zinc, copper, silver, platinum, molibdenum and other minerals, and it is in these townships that there has been a notorious presence of Armed Forces and illegal armed groups that has produced grave Human Rights situations and violations of IHL against the civilian population, which has been subjected to cruelty, degradation and inhumane treatment. The abundance of water and wood resources, biodiversity, biotechnology, hydrocarbons and oxygen in this region is outstanding. The ancestral lands of the Awá are under threat from the interest expressed by the great transnational extractive industry.

c. Infrastructure: The Multimodal Axis of the Amazon [8] of the Project for Integration of Regional South American Infrastructure (IIRSA by its Spanish acronym) runs across the lands of the Awá, starting from the Colombian Pacific Coast. The 284 kilometers of highway running between the Colombian cities of Pasto and Tumaco cut through targeted Awá lands and are a part of the multimodal corridor stretching along Tumaco – Puerto Asis – Belem do Para (the latter in Brazil) that will communicate the Pacific and Atlantic coasts across South America and through the Amazon region. Beyond the benefits that these modern and expensive highways may generate, not to mention the enormously destructive environmental impact they will bring, these roads are being laid with the clear intention of opening new territories for the extraction of vast resources to be privately exploited by transnational corporations. The roads are to be managed under a private operator scheme. Their existence, construction and use impose the submission, forced displacement and destruction of the peoples who live in its path and the areas it will affect. The Awá live in the midst of this planned infrastructural mega-project and have thus become dispensable. The disappearance or subjugation of the Awá serves the interests of those who seek to obtain benefits from this mega-project, one that threatens and diminishes all peoples who claim rights over the territories that stand in its way [9].

d. Tourism and other interests: The natural beauty and wealth of resources in the lands of the Awá, both in the Colombian Pacific coast and lowlands of Nariño, are ideal places for the tourism industry, which is frequently used to articulate projects for the exploration, exploitation and private patenting of the life and knowledge of the territory and its peoples. The tourism industry expels or exploits the dispossessed indigenous peoples, raking in enormous profits and seizing autonomous territories and peoples as though they were commodities existing for the sole purpose of accumulation.

Carrot and Stick: Law and Terror

Those who promote and ultimately benefit from death and pillage combine “all forms of struggle” to access the riches and resources they seek. Meanwhile, diverse armed actors, both legal and illegal, carry out the dirty work of terror through criminal war tactics directed against these communities. The strategic, awaited and inevitable result is the privatization and plunder of their territory, a process through which the Colombian government implements policies that provide the legal and institutional framework needed for the exploitation of the land.

The Rural Statute [10] (or Law 1152 of 2007) provides a direct example. The sole paragraph of the law’s Article 123 reads: “procedures involving the establishment, expansion, or reorganization of indigenous reserves shall not be allowed to take effect within the geographical limits determined in Article 2 of Law 70 of 1993, nor in areas of the country that present similar conditions.” Article 2 of Law 70 (1993) delimits the Pacific Basin as a territory located between the Chiles volcano, on the Ecuadorian border, and the Gulf of Urabá, on the Atlantic Coast, to the Pacific Coast. This immense territory spanning mountains, foothills and coasts, includes the Colombian territory of the Awá people of Nariño.

According to the article cited in the Rural Statute, indigenous reserves cannot be established, expanded or reorganized in the Pacific Basin. Thus the Awá people lose, through law, the right to a large part of their current and ancestral territory. As a result, their territory is ‘liberated’ for economic interests that ultimately benefit – whether directly or indirectly – the actors of terror. A total of 27 legal petitions by the Awá community have been suppressed: 4 for the establishment of reserves, 8 for their expansion, and 15 for their reorganization.

Currently, the Constitutional Court is set to issue a ruling regarding the Rural Statute. If this law is declared unconstitutional, as was the Forest Law (Ley Forestal) in April 2008 (for violating the obligation of prior consultation with affected communities) [11], the Awá and the other indigenous and Afro-descendent peoples of the Pacific region might be able to bring forth legal actions to resolve their claims to territorial rights. These necessary legal permits have been impossible to obtain thanks to the actions of those who massacre, displace, confine, and threaten. Meanwhile, new owners of the territories appear with false titles that are legalized all too easily.

Eventually, the inefficiency of the state, laws and terror will have combined to consolidate the pillage and expropriation as an accomplished historical fact. By then, the mega-projects and usurpers of riches will have been established, the territory will have been exploited, and the struggle, sacrifice and suffering of the victims will be buried by the infamy of a history written by thoughtlessness and greed.

The Awá people struggle for their dignity, lives and the life of their territory. They are exterminated for the sake of insatiable greed. Although it is important and urgent to know who committed this terrible and unpardonable massacre, so that justice may be served, to make known the truth and respect those affected and their families, even more important is to understand that they were massacred to strip from them their territories. That is why we must denounce and mobilize to resist the project served by terror against our sisters and brothers. Today, the project kills in order to steal.

An Appeal

First, we join with the ONIC, all indigenous peoples, and all those who feel the commitment and necessity to accompany the victims in solidarity. We call on the Humanitarian Minga to affirm its presence and convert pain into companionship and concrete action.

Secondly, we call together those who have been demanding the mobilization of the Social and Community Minga of Resistance. The message is clear: the attempted assassination of Aida Quilcué that left Edwin Legarda, her companion, dead – yet another ‘false positive’ carried out against popular resistance by the National Army under orders from the designers and promoters of the policy of ‘Democratic Security’ – is currently followed by further massacres, this time committed by the FARC, which serve as a means for escalating the pillage before the insensitivity of the society and the world.

This issue is not exclusive to the Awá, nor is it a problem faced only by indigenous peoples or by just one community in Nariño. This act of terror is part of the acceleration of policies of pillage implemented through death. This is Plan Colombia in action, an economic mega-project that hands over our territories and our lives to the greed of global capital.

Facing so much horror, we can no longer watch from afar, waiting for our turn to come. We have to understand why they killed us then, why they kill us now, and why we must rise to stop them, to resist. Now is the time to reject, for once and for all, the horrors committed by the FARC in the name of the people, just as we reject the horrors of the regime.

It is also painfully evident what little use it is to have land, denounce human rights violations and negotiate agreements with an illegitimate government when its development model – which includes agreements and laws that are served by terror, from wherever it comes – means only massacres, displacement and pillage. The obligation to resist the model in its entirety, and as a priority, is paramount. In these conditions, faced with all the terrible facts, what must be recognized above all other concerns (even the political-electoral) is the urgency of an agenda of mobilization and action in a Minga that resists and stops the accelerated course of the pillage, of which this most recent massacre is a part.

We call upon the Social and Community Minga. We are putting forward the agenda to resist the death model that is on the way through the FTA, laws of pillage, broken agreements, terror and in the absence of a people weaving together common struggles for freedom. Let us decide together, in Minga, how to stop the horror of the FARC, the government and the rest of the armed groups in Nariño and Colombia. Let us figure out how we can support the Awá people and, with them, defend their territory. Let us determine how to defend life and our own territories from this assured and approaching death, one that exists so that a few may continue to accumulate.

So that the dead may rest and their families rebuild their lives, so that the dignity of the Awá is restored, so that no one may steal from them their territories, so that those with guns and hate leave us in peace, so that the murderers no longer declare that they fight for the people or that they have come to protect us, so that we have a country of peoples without owners, so that they haven’t been massacred for nothing: the Social and Community Minga. Let us meet in a collective territory and build the Minga from our pain, consciousness and path. The Awá are not alone [12].

Notes
[1] These victims include civilians massacred by the Armed Forces, then dressed up as guerrillas and shown as proof of the progress in the War on Terror, a tactic known in Colombia as creating ‘false positives’.
[2]Awá deciden y se arriesgan a contar sus amenazas http://www.onic.org.co/a_derechos_not.shtml?AA_SL_Session=1f88a61fdde2a7c96da6110ca4de211a&nocache=invalidate&sh_itm=048f034ba5335c382645b6e281c02f94&add_disc=1
[3] Declaración Final Preaudencia Nariño y Putumayo http://www.redcolombia.org/index2.php?option=com_content&do_pdf=1&id=186
[4] Resolución Defensorial No. 53. Pueblo Awá http://www.nasaacin.org/uploads/646f63756d656e746f732e2e2e2e2e2e/Resoluci_n_Defensorial_53__Pueblo_Aw__2007.pdf
[5] Boletín Situacional sobre los Derechos Humanos y el DIH en Nariño http://ordh.org/Boletines/Boletin_3.pdf
[6] See Eje Multimodal Amazonas de la IIRSA, página 36 http://www.semillas.org.co/descargas/cartilla-IIRSA-2.pdf
[7] Boletín Situacional sobre los Derechos Humanos y el DIH en Nariño http://ordh.org/Boletines/Boletin_3.pdf
[8] Eje Vial Multimodal Amazonas ¿oportunidad o amenaza para la región? http://www.etniasdecolombia.org/actualidadetnica/detalle.asp?cid=5691
[9] See Eje Multimodal Amazonas de la IIRSA, página 36 http://www.semillas.org.co/descargas/cartilla-IIRSA-2.pdf
[10] Estatuto Rural, Ley 1152 de 2007. http://www.elabedul.net/Documentos/Leyes/2007/Ley_1152.pdf
[11] Sentencia C-030 de Abril de 2008 http://www.agronet.gov.co/www/docs_agronet/20089311148_SENTENCIA_C_030_DE_2008_Ley_Forestal_2.pdf. En esa medida, de acuerdo con el ordenamiento constitucional y en particular con el Convenio 169 de la OIT, que en esta materia hace parte del bloque de constitucionalidad, la adopción de la ley debió haberse consultado con esas comunidades, para buscar aproximaciones sobre la manera de evitar que la misma las afectara negativamente, así como sobre el contenido mismo de las pautas y criterios que, aún cuando de aplicación general, pudiesen tener una repercusión directa sobre los territorios indígenas y tribales, o sobre sus formas de vida.
[12] HOUGHTON, JC, Editor. La Tierra contra la Muerte http://www.prensarural.org/spip/IMG/pdf/10383_1_La_Tierra_contra_la_muerte.pdf

October 24, 2008

Colombian Brothers and Sisters, Your Pain and Demands We Make Our Own…

Over these last days, Mother Earth is once again tinted red with the blood of our indigenous sisters and brothers, a consequence of the brutal and inhumane repression used against them by a government obsessed with silencing all opposition to its neoliberal policies. Álvaro Uribe Vélez, Colombia’s populist dictator, which acts as the agent of national private interests and transnational capital, seeks to gain for his allies the few lands left for indigenous peoples through genocide and baseless threats. Álvaro Uribe and his ministers have targeted indigenous groups in Colombia who have articulated their opposition to large-scale mineral extraction projects and monocrops like sugar cane, for ethanol and the agrofuel industry. He has made false public statements directed against them, and when proven wrong, he uses distraction. He cries that they are linked to terrorists, while many from his government sit in jail for collusion with right-wing paramilitary death squads, the demobilized bandits who continue to roam the country putting into violent acts the dictator’s baseless utterances. In Colombia, mere opposition to the multiple free trade agreements, designed to hand over natural resources (life itself) to transnational capital, is marked by the dictatorship as a terrorist act.

The Colombian government is the real destabilizing agent. In Cauca and the Cauca Valley, it is the government that has put a price on the heads of indigenous leaders who have fought for their rights and that the government comply with its responsibilities. It is the government, convenienced by other armed groups, that is imposing this latest climate of terror and injustice.

Sisters and brothers, we not only empathize with your demands for justice and the desperate situation you have faced in these last days, decades and centuries, imposed by so-called governments. We feel the sadness of your injured and dead. Your pain is ours, too. Your struggle is not only an indigenous struggle confined to Colombia. We have made this struggle ours, for it is one for life, peace and human dignity, values that transcend all false borders.

The Canadian government is playing its role in this genocide by supporting the Uribe dictatorship, making all Canadians accomplices in yet another genocide directed against indigenous peoples in this land called America. The Canadian government tells us that the Canada-Colombia free trade agreement will create a more secure, prosperous and equitable Colombia. Is Canadian capital somehow different? Mr. Harper, do you really believe that democracy is solidified through confronting attempts at inclusive dialogue with massacres?

From Canada, and with a profound feeling of shared struggle in which the indigenous of Cauca have courageously and rightly taken the lead, we reaffirm our desire and commitment to work together with our brothers and sisters in humanity. It is our historic responsibility to oppose and resist fascist and neoliberal policies and to stop, for once and for all, the globalization of misery. Alternatively, we struggle for another globalization, where our struggles transcend all frontiers constructed to divide us, to emphasize our distance. Our victory will be the laughter of our children, in a dignified peace, prosperity and freedom.

La Chiva Collective, Canada



EN ESPAÑOL

Hermanos Colombianos, su dolor y sus demandas las hacemos Nuestras…

Durante estos últimos días, otra vez, la Madre tierra se esta tiñendo de rojo con la sangre derramada por nuestros hermanos indígenas, consecuencia de la brutal e inhumana represión desatada en su contra por un gobierno que se empeña en acallar cualquier tipo de oposición a sus políticas neoliberales. Álvaro Uribe Vélez, quien actúa como el agente del voraz capitalismo transnacional, y aliado con claros intereses privados nacionales persigue apoderarse de las pocas tierras que hoy les quedan a los nativos, a través del genocidio y el señalamiento. Álvaro Uribe y sus ministros se empeñan en señalar de perturbadores del orden publico, falsos, aliados de la guerra e incluso terroristas a los grupos indígenas colombianos que se ponen en pie de lucha contra la implementación de planes extractivos de minerales del subsuelo, y monocultivos como la caña de azúcar y la palma africana. Señala de terroristas a quienes se oponen a los múltiples tratados de Libre Comercio que le entregarían estas riquezas nacionales al capital internacional.

Es el gobierno el verdadero agente desestabilizador que hoy continua poniéndole precio a la cabeza de los lideres de cabildos y resguardos que luchan por sus derechos, es el gobierno el que impone un clima de terror e injusticia.

A pesar de que la tristeza embarga nuestro corazón, entendemos las justas demandas y la desesperante situación que ha impuesto el gobierno sobre ustedes y queremos decirles, valientes luchadores, que sigan adelante, que su causa es justa y noble; que este no es solo su dolor porque lo hacemos nuestro y, que desde este portal hacemos presencia y entendemos también su lucha como nuestra, rechazamos y denunciamos los atropellos oficiales, nos solidarizamos con los sufridos pueblos americanos originales, en la lucha por la vida, la paz y la dignidad humana.

El gobierno Canadiense está poniendo su cuota en el genocidio al apoyar al gobierno de Uribe Vélez, y de esta forma nos hace a todos los canadienses cómplices directos de las masacres. El TLC se promociona en nuestro país como una forma de ayudara a solidificar los esfuerzos del gobierno colombiano para crear una democracia mas segura, prospera y con equidad... Señor Harper cree usted que la democracia se solidifica asesinando a nuestros hermanos indígenas cuando ejercen su democrático derecho a la huelga, a la oposición y a la movilización?

Desde Canadá y con profundo sentimiento fraternal, les expresamos a nuestros hermanos indígenas colombianos el deseo de trabajar conjuntamente con ellos y con otros pueblos, pues es nuestro deber histórico oponernos y resistir las políticas fascistas y neoliberales y frenar de una vez por todas la horrible maquinaria explotadora que se nutre del dolor, la sangre y la miseria de los hijos pobres de la tierra. Nuestros descendientes y los suyos tienen derecho a la paz, la prosperidad y la libertad.

Colectivo de Solidaridad con Colombia “La Chiva”, Canadá

October 16, 2008

The Minga continues. We neither are nor do we condone terrorists

Written by Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca
16 October 2008

The Minga of the People is growing. President Uribe has lied in such an evidently crass manner that even the mainstream media in his service, those dedicated to being his echo, have exposed it. He has repeatedly stated that the police bear only shields and batons, while the indigenous are armed "thugs".

The shamelessness is incredible. The president ordered a military assault against a peaceful protest in which the police and the army have left two dead and many more wounded by government bullets. It was not us who notified the media but irrefutable evidence showing state forces attacking us with bursts of gunfire.

The Minga continues. Our mobilizations will continue until the agenda of the peoples is heard and until a concrete mechanism is put in place to carry it forward. We have an agenda. We are not only demanding the fulfilment of the government's responsibilities; our demands go much further, and they are not solely the demands of indigenous peoples.

We will carry out more actions in Cauca and all across Colombia. These are mass-based, direct actions of indigenous peoples. We will defend ourselves with no arms other than our staffs of authority. We call on all social movements and peoples to mobilize, but to do it without arms, peacefully and towards the fulfilment of the objectives of the agenda. Those who use arms act expressly against the orientation and position of the process and the Minga, serving the regime the excuse it needs to attack. Such acts only help the enemies of the popular struggle against the model of development imposed by transnational capital.

We will continue to share audio with information on today's events to the entire country and photos of the brutal attack at La María, Piendamó. We will also send out the synthesis of our political proposal and the CONIC's offer to carry out a Verification and Accompaniment Mission. We will also include some of the many expressions of solidarity that we have received and that we still need.

Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca
ACIN
16 October 2008
http://www.nasaacin.org/noticias.htm?x=8936

Declaration from the Minga of the People, La Maria-Piendamo, Cauca, Colombia

No More Terror and Avarice:
We propose a new path for the people for a new country.

October 16, 2008

Author: Minga of the People

What we are proposing today was already presented to the public in September 2004, when we organized the First Indigenous and Popular Congress. They are five basic points that cover many other issues. We have listened with considerable attention to the voices of many diverse sectors within Colombia and throughout the world. We have clearly put forward what it is that hurts us, and have compiled the accumulated pain of many peoples and processes. We want to be practical and concrete.

People who occupy important positions of authority in this country - an authority they have surrendered as a result of their actions and words – have come out publicly to say we are terrorists. Absurdly, they accuse us of attacking the Armed Forces, the largest and most powerful Army of all of Latin America, the greatest recipient of U.S. military technology and training, one that launched a military assault combining the force of the Army and the Police, with tanks and armed soldiers, firing live ammunition against men, women and children who have nothing but wooden staffs and stones. They injure more than sixty Indians, the majority with bullets. They assassinate at least two civilians, and mistreat common men and women of the communities. They burned houses, and committed acts of unquestionable brutality, destroying medical and first aid equipment and damaging food supplies, acting like criminals under the order of the Executive.

Nevertheless, when we detained and protected one member of the police force, and we returned him safe and sound to the authorities, a government minister called us “terrorists.” We don’t have the right, according to him, to detain those same police who are shooting at us trying to kill us. According to him, we only have the right to let them kill us, to mistreat us with obedience to the politics of terror of the regime. According to the President, who gave the order for the brutal attack against us, his government has complied with everything related to the indigenous communities. From his perspective, we are savages, we are dumb, we are irrational. Mr. President, not only have you not fulfilled your obligations to the people, but there are several other fundamental issues that we are raising that you can no longer ignore. We are not liars, we are not savages, we are not irrational.

The government says we are being manipulated by “dark forces,” that FARC has infiltrated our organization and movement. We state through our actions that we are not terrorists, that we are not with the insurgency, that our struggle is legitimate, it is autonomous, and that we do not act under the orders of FARC or any other so-called “dark forces.” We have unmasked a professional soldier who had infiltrated us, sent by the public security forces in an attempt to validate these lies of the President. If there are Indians involved in the insurgency, or any other armed group, it is a personal decision of theirs that goes against our organizational and community process. Stop shooting, stop robbing, stop burning and lying. Stop using your public power to exercise terror against the people. You’re wrong. Respect and listen. It is the only way.

The majority of the members of Congress that support the government of President Uribe, those legislators who have elaborated and approved the laws that displace us of our rights and our liberties, occupy their official spaces with the backing of paramilitary groups, and are involved in the Para-politics scandal currently under investigation. Neither they nor the laws they have approved have any degree of legitimacy.

It is time for us to reiterate our position to the rest of the world. We direct ourselves to all peoples and leaders. We come to you as a result of our struggle, and with the meaning of peoples and processes. With humility we recognize that we don’t hold the universal truth. But with pride we defend our reality. Up to now we haven’t even been listened to. Is it that there is so much fear about what we have to say that we are prevented from even being heard? Listening to us with attention and respect will generate what it is we are looking for: a frank, and sincere dialogue that will lead to concrete consequences and profound transformations. To refuse to listen to us, to call us liars, to say we are manipulated by “dark forces,” to say that we don’t have any proposals, is to fear dialogue, to fear change, to fear the future.

We believe that we are correct. We have thought this through carefully. We have questioned our own goals and options. We have observed and discussed a lot. What we are proposing here as an agenda is what we have come to agreement on amongst ourselves, because we believe in diversity, in open debate, in differences, and there are differences amongst us. We will continue discussing, and constructing in a constant dialogue, because we know that there is not only one truth.

La Minga
of the People that commemorates 516 years of oppression and resistance is a concrete message. So that people will listen to us, so that people stop trying to kill us and displace us, we have come out, we have blocked roadways, we march. And we will continue to do so until our word is respected, and through the course of dialogue we can transform this reality of misery and horror into one of equilibrium, harmony and liberty. It’s not so difficult to understand: Either our proposals are seriously considered in order to construct an agenda of change, or Mother Earth will be forever in a process of extermination. To do otherwise is to accept the destruction of life. This we cannot accept, we cannot let this happen.

We act with precise urgency. We risk our lives and offer our lives for life. We struggle with all our capacity against the sophisticated propaganda that is nothing more than well-crafted lies, against laws and measures that impose the interests of others against life itself and justice. We call on therefore, on the wisdom, the serenity and the respect that comes with dialogue. We love and defend dialogue. But we do so mobilized with firmness. We are people of our word and of dialogue. We live it through our assemblies, and within our Life Plans. Everything that we have created is based on a process of dialogue between contradictions and differences. We therefore need and call on an interlocutor who is legitimate, with whom we can dialogue. And we are totally committed to engage in this process.

What is it that we are proposing?

  1. That the necessary conditions for a process of dialogue are immediately established, in order to discuss the five main points of the agenda that we propose;
  2. That the dialogue is carried out under the watch and with the backing of legitimate and unquestionably credible persons, and with authority that is recognized in any part of the world;
  3. That in this dialogue, every sector of society is represented, according to democratic mechanisms of participation, giving priority to the majority of the population that has been excluded, marginalized and exploited;
  4. That the agenda of the people is developed through a very deliberative and transparent and effective process, and that this gives us the time to construct the country we so desire, step by step;
  5. That honesty, truth and respect become non-negotiable conditions for the development of this dialogue, and those that violate these principles are excluded from participating in the process.
Main Issues for the Agenda of Dialogue

These themes encompass many other issues that can fit within each agenda point. We present these more as chapters of the dialogue, whereby each sector involved in the dialogue can have input on the specific issues and points that should be discussed. We recognize that this is simply the beginning of a longer process of listening, absorbing, analyzing and ordering a detailed agenda for the urgent transformations that are necessary. The agenda should not be one of exclusion. All the issues and points of all the people should be considered. The agenda that we propose is the following:

  1. We reject the Economic Model of global transnational capital and the Free Trade Agreements strategies that have been negotiated with the United States, Canada and the European nations. These treaties are part of a nefarious strategy on the part of major global economic powers. The process of negotiation and the results of these agreements are a threat to our cultures and our territories, our sovereignty. They surrender our collective resources to corporate interests and trans-nationals, and directly threaten our Mother Earth. These are not treaties between people but against people;
  2. No more war, no more terror; we reject the government’s so-called “Democratic Security Strategy,” Plan Colombia, the dirty war, para-politics, he militarization of society and the criminalization of popular protest. We call on truth, justice and reparations for the crimes committed against the people. War is not the answer. And those people who have committed crimes against the people, such as former Cauca governor Juan José Chaux Mosquera, should be judged so that their bad examples will never again be repeated and the victims will be compensated;
  3. No to the Constitutional Counter-reforms and legislation of displacement that has been implemented under the current government, measures that surrender our rights to private interests, and that submit us to silence and forced labor, to exclusion and ultimately death.
  4. Demand the observance and strict abidance to the agreements and obligations that guarantee the rights and freedoms of all people such as the ILO agreement 169, the UN Declaration on Human Rights of Indigenous peoples and others.
  5. The creation of mechanisms of sovereignty, peace and coexistence in order to develop and make reality our agenda through a permanent Congress of the Peoples.
Which Way Forward?

  1. Public security forces must retreat from all indigenous territories for a definitive time. The territory of Peace, Coexistence and Dialogue in La Maria, Piendamó should be respected and immediately evacuated. All the damage caused by the military aggression of the last few days should be repaired in an integral way;
  2. There should be an immediate cease fire, and an end to the repression against the people mobilized there;
  3. We demand that all armed actors leave our territories immediately, and call for the establishment of territories free of war, with civilian, international observers allowed in to monitor the situation, under the supervision of the Indigenous Guard of the Nasa people;
  4. The popular, non-commercial media should be recognized, respected, listened to and supported as sources of truth for the unfolding dialogue. The mass commercial media should be opened up in order to transmit the positions and the proposals of the people, of the excluded voices, of the majority, and they should make public the truth of the repression and exclusion that we have faced, and not simply represent the perspectives of certain economic interests.
  5. We immediately call on the following people to serve as guarantors of the dialogue (without excluding other possible individuals from the process):
    1. James Anaya, UN Special Relator for Indigenous People;
    2. Baltasar Garzón, internationally-recognized Judge, Center for Peace of Toldeo
    3. Evo Morales Ayma, President of Bolivia
    4. Blanca Chancoso, indigenous leader from Ecuador
In Colombia, we are seeing an indigenous and popular uprising that is on the march. They can, through all the force of terror and propaganda, try to silence us once again. But we will rise up again, and we will continue in Minga until the will of the people is fulfilled.

Minga de los Pueblos
Territory of Diálogue, Coexistence and Peace
La María, Piendamó

October 16, 2008.