The undersigning organizations, collectives and individuals working towards a coordinated initiative of popular resistance from and with the peoples of Paraguay clearly and unequivocally declare:
We believe it to be an urgent priority to accompany
and support the Frente Unido para la Defensa de la Democracia (United Front for
the Defence of Democracy or FDD) and the expressed desires of the people of
Paraguay to develop and implement their agenda of autonomous resistance to the
occupation through the recent Coup d’Etat.
We join our autonomous resistance with theirs. We
call on those who share the same desire and commitment to join with us, sign on
to this letter (email: pblosencamino@gmail.com or pueblosencamino@yahoo.com), and consolidate the popular resistance and
solidarity that is required to speak in unison from Paraguay.
We declare that:
1. Fernando Lugo is the President of Paraguay,
elected by a people out of a desire for spaces and opportunities to transform their
society from the bottom up and reorient it toward freedom and justice. Lugo was
overthrown in a Coup d’Etat that was carefully planned and carried out by and
for transnational capital. (1)
2. Paraguay and its people are victims of their
enormous natural wealth, and the fact that they are situated in an area of
strategic importance for the accumulation of capital through continental
megaprojects: El Chaco. The northern half of the country borders Argentina,
Brazil and Bolivia and is also an enormously important region for the
production of biofuels and energy through the use of transgenic soy(2), the construction of hydroelectric dams, and exploitation of minerals by large
mining companies through projects driven by the government of Canada(3). Add to that the issue of water privatization: with the Paraná,
Paraguay, Uruguay and Tieté rivers all slated for transformation into the
Paraná-Paraguay(4) waterway of the IIRSA
regional infrastructure project, which beyond generating enormous construction
contracts for infrastructure and tax exemptions to grantees for their administration
and exploitation, will also permit the extraction of resources and trade among
five countries (including Uruguay) and the world, 24 hours-a-day, 365 days- a-year.
The region covers and provides direct access to the Guaraní aquifer, the
greatest reservoir of fresh water on the planet (5).
3. In Paraguay, 85% of the land is owned by 2.5% of
the population (6). Indigenous peoples and landless peasants constitute
a threat to large megaprojects. Permanent displacement of peoples requires war
and terror. With this reasoning, and with the desire to take the region and its
resources, the capitalist system fabricates pretexts for militarization, such
as wars against narcotrafficking and terror. The Southern Command of the US
Military has established the enormous Mariscal Estigarribia base (7) [FOL (8)] in the geographic heart of this strategically
important region.
This base has the capacity for 16,000 military
personnel, all guaranteed immunity for violations of human rights and/or other
abuses. Not far from this military base, near the Bolivian border, lie 40,000 hectares
of land acquired by former US President George W. Bush, and another enormous
property owned by his father, former President George H. W. Bush (9). From bases like these throughout the continent, a
vast machinery of war and terror at the service of transnational capital is
imposed through blood and fire; it was constructed in Colombia, exported to
Mexico, Honduras, Bolivia, Chile, Venezuela and the rest of the continent under
the name of “Democratic Security” in the shadow of former Colombian president
Álvaro Uribe Vélez(10) and his mafias of
military and paramilitary groups coordinated by the Southern Command. This
machinery generates war and terror in Paraguay as mechanisms for provoking
instability. The most recent of these actions, the massacre of 11 landless peasants
and 6 police officers, served as preconceived pretext for the destruction of
the Fernando Lugo presidency. Previous false accusations and the imposition of a
State of Siege by the government served to authorize the functioning of the US
base in Paraguayan territory. Planned massacres are right out of the textbooks
and Plan Colombia. This same machinery is already installed throughout the
continent. Where will the next coup take place?
4. We already know who overthrew Fernando Lugo and
why (11). El Chaco and Paraguay cannot be allowed to
belong to this country nor its people; they have been bound for occupation and
extraction by multinationals through megaprojects and terror financed with
public resources. The coup in Paraguay, like similar ones throughout Latin
America, was carried out by and for multinationals and their partners among the
local elites. In this particular case, Monsanto, Cargill, Syngenta and Río
Tinto are at the helm. Fernando Lugo broke the agreement that permitted the
establishment of the Mariscal Estigarribia base in 2009 and was key in UNASUR’s
rejection and condemnation of the 7 US military bases in Colombia (12). The coup constitutes a tactical stage in the
imposition of “Free Trade” as the delivery of strategic territories to the multinationals.
5. Terror, propaganda and corporate policies function
in such a way as to displace people and clear territories and countries for the
dismantlement and destruction of peoples – our memory, our consciousness, and our
resistance. Moreover, they consolidate corporate blocks in the advancement of
strategic business based on total war, and markets based on lies serve to
recruit people to kill one another.
6. The transnational coup in Paraguay is the same
coup that overthrew Manuel Zelaya in Honduras with only some local adaptations
– from the massacre pretext carried out by the perpetrators of the coup,
followed by the illegitimate legal charges against president Lugo, to be
followed by the farce that includes:
- a process to impose and recognize an illegitimate government and president;
- the immediate adoption of legislation and policies that favor the interests of the coup perpetrators and agribusiness;
- a hypocritical and empty discourse on the part of the governments that serve transnational capital, including that from the US, Canada and the “Pacific Alliance” (Mexico, Colombia, Peru and Chile) as well as Honduras, Guatemala, Costa Rica and Panama.
One thing is absolutely clear: all of these countries
supported the coup; they knew about it, they helped prepare for it through the
direction of the Southern Command, the US government and the elites that serve
the transnational corporations.
7. Paraguay is being passed into the hands of
transnational corporate power. Agribusiness and large-scale mining in
particular require, among other things, slave labor, territories to exploit and
to clear of people, censorship and the complete subservience of the populace
through violence and the systematic elimination of rights and freedoms.
Paraguay is one more stage in the total imposition of this process. The
occupation forces that have already invaded Colombia, Mexico, Honduras and
Haiti now occupy Paraguay. What has happened in Paraguay is a move forward
towards a global fascist occupation for accumulation.
8. The elimination of social and popular movements
and processes is underway. Censorship and propaganda are already being imposed.
Terror and repression are being deepened. The machinery that already
implemented the “Colombia Model” is now applying its specific objectives to
eliminate, one by one, all structures and forms of resistance. We see forced
disappearances, torture, threats, and massacres, elaborate public accusations, criminalization
of social protests, the buying off of leaders, and infiltration and cooptation
of processes.
9. Capital and the Right have transformed their
weaknesses into strengths (13). While losing elections, they have strategically
used their machinery to pressure governments to get what they want. Every
concession allows them to access space and retake power within established
structures, fomenting and taking advantage of the frustrations of betrayed
peoples. To win over the people and then govern for the Right generates
weakness of the state and a sense of deception among citizens. The Right
delivers its greatest blow at precisely the moment in which a government that
could not govern with and for the people is weakest. A progressive government
that plays dumb while it cooperates fully with the Right walks directly into
the path of a coup for capital. These are hard lessons for peoples and those
who govern: one can never talk the talk of revolution while walking the walk of
extractives capital. Capital wins when condescending governments recklessly
provide their stamp of approval for their projects. We, the people, lose.
10. This regime becomes even stronger when leftist
parties, unions, NGOs, and social and popular organizations find accommodation
within the system, engage in competition amongst them, and fight to maintain
nothing more than their own privileges and places, their own benefits. This is
worse when the same institutions carry this out in the name of resistance. The
result is a loss of prestige, credibility and confidence that parallels the
purchase of those who are for sale. One way or another, the regime wins, and
popular causes lose.
11. The coup in Honduras provides lessons for popular
resistance in Paraguay: the coup conspirators calculate and include in their
plans our reaction; they impose on us the character and meaning of our own
struggle. They must, at any cost, stop our resistance to transnational capital
and its interests. Inside the country, the people articulate a common face of
resistance in coordinating mobilizations and actions. Outside of the country,
we inundate ourselves with communiqués, news, analysis, denouncements and
texts. Accompaniment and support is organized on the ground. The coup
conspirators repress, implement propaganda, and wait. We get tired. Resistance
wanes. Messages fill inboxes, bore, have no effect, and remain as drafts,
unsent. Resistance achieves no objectives and loses strategic meaning, concrete
vision, and falls under the weight of the repressor. Terror, on the other hand,
is imposed and takes its strategic objective: transforming a struggle of
popular resistance to capital into a struggle for human rights. Without
strategic capacity, those on the ground become disarticulated, solidarity is debilitated,
and actions that demonstrate our presence are smothered.
We Demand:
1. That Fernando Lugo and the legitimate government
be re-established and that it once again take the path of the popular mandate
it was elected to walk.
2. That the coup conspirators, led by Federico Franco
and at the service of military and paramilitary apparatuses of terror serving
the interest of transnational corporations, be isolated, removed from power,
and brought to justice in such a way as to expose all those responsible for the
criminal act committed against the people of Paraguay and democracy in the
Americas. Franco is but a face for a structure that ought not to continue acting
in hiding and with guaranteed impunity.
3. That the governments of the continent reject the
coup in no uncertain terms and that they act immediately, coherently, and in a
collective and in unified manner. For example, the legitimacy of UNASUR is not granted
by the peoples of Latin America – neither in principle nor otherwise; such legitimacy
must be gained through concrete and practical actions. We do not demand
speeches or energetic declarations, we demand actions that defy the coup
conspirators, expose the architecture of power and corporate interests directing
them, and do everything necessary to treat them as the criminals they are,
returning to Paraguay (and all of Latin America) its territories, sovereignty,
and processes towards democracy that its peoples had managed to gain. We do not
and will not accept, never again, middle- of-the-road calculations that cover
up lies, accommodate posturing and “practical” conveniences, such as what happened
with the illegitimate Lobo government in Honduras, who they ended up
recognizing and legitimizing.
4. That solidarity among the peoples of Latin America
be not subordinate to the policies of the States. Governments of the peoples
govern by obeying the mandates and solidarity among those peoples. If
agribusiness, extraction, and speculative corporate and financial capital
dictate policies in the entire continent, there is no point in believing in
governments that defend those interests. To reject the coup in Paraguay
requires the weaving of popular agendas from below, from and with the people in
each country and throughout the entire continent.
We Recognize:
1. The Frente unido para la Defensa de la Democracia
(FDD) as the articulated effort of resistance already established within
Paraguay and that which brings together all popular sectors.
2. The urgency in supporting the FDD and other
legitimate efforts of coordinated and popular collective resistance in the
urgent development of an agenda or strategic plan of popular resistance, with
contextual analysis and clear objectives. This agenda will be indispensible for
internal resistance in Paraguay as much as for international solidarity and
mobilization.
3. The need to establish FDDs in the entire continent
and weave together mechanisms for strategic planning and organizing among the
peoples.
4. The dire need to act in a preventive way, from
below, with peoples and organizations in each country, to stop the repression
and occupation of totalitarian capital. A coup is one of many strategies of
occupation that are being imposed. It is not enough to defend democracy in
Paraguay. It is also necessary to organize resistance to the fascist occupation
of capital in every territory and throughout the continent. To resist the coup
in Paraguay is to resist the Conga project in Peru, rise up against large-scale
mining, defend water, and oppose “free trade” and agribusiness, militarization,
propaganda, repression, and the criminalization of social and popular struggle
and war. Wherever nature and labor are handed over for the accumulation of
capital, we will rise up in resistance. Wherever they impose war, we will rise
up for life. Wherever they deny our rights and freedoms to bestow more
privileges on themselves, it is a threat and an attack. The coup in Paraguay is
against all peoples.
5. That they have plans that are being implemented
everywhere. They have hierarchical structures that concentrate above, amongst
groups of transnational elites, strategic capacity and clarity of objectives,
and the means to carry them out. Paraguay makes clear the presence and power of
this structure.
6. That each of us together, the peoples of Latin
America – those who oppose the power of transnational capital and its
accomplices, administrators and representatives, beyond differentiating
ourselves from them and recognizing in their actions their interests – need our
own agendas and strategies so as to strengthen our own capacities and to
recognize and not lose sight of our objectives. We must learn to resist and
transform reality in favour of life all along the way of our resistance. Either
we construct an America of the peoples or we submit to the empire of capital.
Today, we urgently need to support the people of Paraguay in their actions of
strategic and effective resistance to the coup and to capital. The people
decide it that way.
7. That an agenda of struggle and resistance from
Paraguay will orient us in our solidarity efforts and, gives us strength, and
bring us together adding our efforts at the right time, finding each other and
attaining results, so that we may in the process learn and teach how to resist
and defend all that is ours and collective. If we lack our own agenda, we will be
subjected to theirs. We must consolidate our agenda and make it our path.
Our call:
At this moment of pain and anger, result of the coup
in Paraguay, we must focus and prioritize our capabilities: from our diversity
to supporting and articulating a strategic agenda of resistance and solidarity with
the people. With all our creative power, affection and solidarity we commit to
do whatever be necessary, whatever is within our power, to carry out the goals
and objectives from and with the people. They [the corporate powers] have the
memory of their crimes, which they use against us; we have our memory to resist
and make the world our own not for the purposes of greed and plunder but for
justice and freedom in harmony with Mother Earth.
Together in
resistance against the occupation and with the people of Paraguay.
All causes
of the people and of life are our own!
“Never again
an America without the People”
Nuestra America, June 27, 2012
Adherents
Collectives
1. Polomosca
2. Pueblos
en Camino
3. Tejido
de Comunicación y de Relaciones Externas para la Verdad y la Vida-ACIN, Cxab
Wala Kiwe, Cauca, Colombia
4. Rete
Italiana de Solidarietá Colombia Vive!
5. Alianza
Social Continental
6. Movimiento
14 de Junio de los Corteros de Caña del Valle del Cauca, Colombia
7. Comunidad
Pueblos Originarios de Awyayala, Rafaela, Santa Fe, Argentina
8. Colectivo
Utopía Puebla. México
9. Universidad
de la Tierra en Puebla. México
10. Frente
de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra y Agua Morelos-Puebla-Tlaxcala. México
11. COLACOT,
Confederación Latinoamericana de Cooperativas y Mutuales de Trabajadores.
Venezuela
12.
FENTAP, Federación Nacional de Trabajadores de Agua Potable del Perú
13. CAOI,
Confederación Andina de Organizaciones Indígenas
14. The
Polaris Institute
15. Unión
Campesina Panameña. UCP
16. Comité
Nacional de Amistad y Solidaridad con la Republica Bolivariana de Venezuela de
Colombia, Junta Directiva Nacional. COMASOLVE
17.
Colombia Vive, Massachussetts. EEUU
18. Comisión
Justicia Solidaridad y Paz Colombia CRC
19. Alternatives,
Montreal. Canadá
20. Federación
Democrática Internacional de Mujeres para América Latina y el Caribe
21. Comunidad
Ecuménica Martin Luther King. Chile
22. (CSMM),
Centro de Documentación en Derechos Humanos “Segundo Montes Mozo S.J.” Ecuador
23. APCS,
Agencia Popular de Comunicación Suramericana. Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Perú y
Uruguay
24. Unión
Solidaria de Comunidades (USC) del Pueblo Diaguita Cacano. Santiago del Estero,
Argentina
25. Vivero
Comunitario Wichan Ranquen, Río Cuarto, Córdoba. Argentina
26. FAPI.
Federación por la Autodeterminación de los Pueblos Indígenas. Paraguay
Individuals
1. Manuel
Rozental, Tejedor movimientos indígenas y populares, Brasil.
2. Pancho
Castro, Periodista, Colombia
3. Carlos
Vidales, Escritor, poeta, académico y activista colombiano. Estocolmo, Suecia
4. Carlos
Jiménez, Activista y artista colombiano. España
5. María
Cepeda Castro, Activista colombiana, Hungría
6. Justin
Podur, Activista, periodista, profesor Universidad de York, Canadá
7. Vilma
Almendra, Indígena del Pueblo Nasa
8. Marcela
Olivera, Cochabamba, Bolivia
9. Adriana
Marquisio, Comisión Nacional en Defensa del Agua y la Vida. Uruguay
10. Hugo
Blanco Galdos, dirigente indígena, campesino y popular, Perú
11. Aldo
Zanchetta, Italia
12. Francesco
Moscato, Académico América Latina, Italia
13. Francesco
Biagi - Colectivo Rebeldía Pisa, Italia
14. Carlos
Mejia Cortes, concejal, Eckernfoerde, Alemania
15. Sergio
Tischler, Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla- BUAP, México
16. Cecilia
Zeledón, Apoyo Zapatista, México
17. Alberto
Acosta, ex-presidente, Asamblea Constituyente de Ecuador
18. Rafael
Gutiérrez, Poeta, crítico y Director Revista de la Universidad de San Carlos de
Guatemala
19. Venancio
Guerrero, Militante del PSOL y Tribunal Popular. Brasil y Movimiento Libres del
Sur. Chile
20. José
Cruz, Colectivo MadreSelva, Guatemala
21. Rafael
Sandoval, sociólogo, Guadalajara, México
22. Silvia
Trujillo, socióloga, Guatemala
23. Mario
López, BUAP, Puebla, México
24. Ulises
Castro Conde, doctorante de Sociología, BUAP, México
25. Luis
Pedro Taracena, historiador guatemalteco
26. Oscar
Soto, Profesor Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Universidad Iberoaméricana,
campus Puebla, México
27. Anna
Turriani, Brasil
28. Alba
Teresa Higuera, España
29. Godofredo
Aguillón, Académico, Universidad de El Salvador
30. Ana
Esther Ceceña, Observatorio Latinoamericano de Geopolítica, UNAM, México
31. Simona
V. Yagenova, FLACS0-Guatemala
32. Mario
Castañeda, historiador y sociólogo guatemalteco
33. Lars
Stubbe, Universidad de Kassel, Alemania
34. María
Alejandra Privado Catalán. BUAP, Puebla, México
35. Fernando
Matamoros, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, BUAP
36. Julio
Donis, politólogo guatemalteco
37. Agustín
Reyes, Dirigente campesino colombiano, Canadá
38. Simona
Fraudatario, Rete Italiana de Soliedarietá Colmbia Vive! Tribunal de los
Pueblos "Lelio Basso", Italia
39. Gaia
Capogna, Italia
40. Monica
del Pilar Uribe Marín, periodista colombiana, The Prisma, Inglaterra
41. Carlos
Orantes, psicólogo y sociólogo guatemalteco
42. Gilberto
López y Rivas, Profesor-Investigador, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
Historia Centro Regional Morelos
43. Yan
López, historiador guatemalteco
44. Arturo
Taracena, historiador guatemalteco
45. Carlos
Figueroa Ibarra, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, BUAP
46. Francisco
Gómez, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, BUAP
47. Alfonso
Galileo García Vela, doctorante sociología, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y
Humanidades, BUAP
48. Oliver
Hernández Lara, doctorante sociología, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y
Humanidades, BUAP
49. Octavio
H. Moreno, doctorante sociología, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades,
BUAP
50. Raquel
Gutiérrez Aguilar, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, BUAP
51. Jairo
González, activista y dirigente colombiano, Alemania
52. Lorena
Martínez Zavala, socióloga mexicana
53. Raúl
Zepeda López, sociólogo guatemalteco
54. Mina
Lorena Navarro, Universidad Autónoma de México- UNAM
55. Alfredo
Duarte Corte, doctorante
sociología, Instituto de Ciencias
Sociales y Humanidades, BUAP
56. Ernesto
Godoy, Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, BUAP
57. Liza
Aceves, Facultad de Economía, BUAP
58. Jorge
Andrade Roca, músico, BUAP
59. Michael
Otuathail, Canadá
60. Elvio
Raffaello Martini, Italia
61. Nadia
Ranieri, Italia
62. Andrea
Semplici, Italia
63. Francesca
Casafina, Italia
64. Pablo
Mamani Ramírez, Estudios Latinoamericanos, UNAM-México
65. Oscar
Olivera Foronda, Cochabamba,
Bolivia
66. Carla
Mariani, activista por los Derechos Humanos, Terni, Italia
67. Raúl
Zibechi, Militante, activista y escritor, Uruguay
68. Darío
Azellini, Alemania
69. Néstor
López, Argentina
70. Michelle
Ciricillo, Italia
71. Fabio
Marcelli, Jurista internacional, dirigente Asociación Internacional Juristas
Demócratas y Asociación Europea de Juristas para la Democracia y los Derechos
Humanos en el Mundo
72. Maya
Piedra. México
73. Mónica
Montalvo. México
74. Diego
Rojas Romero. Colombia
75. María
Yolanda Vera. Argentina
76. Claudia
E. Clavijo Guevara. España
77. Jacobo
Vargas-Foronda, Jurista y Sociólogo guatemalteco
78. Lucia
Villaruel, Programa Cambio Climático y Plurinacionalidad Fundación Pachamama.
Ecuador
79. Rosa
Elva Zúñiga López, Educadora Popular. México
80. Tania
Jamardo Faillace, Activista Social y Periodista. Brasil
81. Ángel
Canovas Morán, Pedagogo Social. Santiago del Estero, Argentina
82. Eric
Meyer. Suiza/México
83. Marco
Antonio Velázquez Navarrete, Red Mexicana de Acción frente al Libre Comercio
(RMALC). México
84. María
Cecilia Sánchez. Escritora y Psicóloga. Colombia
85. Afrânio
Boppré, Secretário de Relações Internacionais PSOL. Brasil
86. Pamela
Calito Guerrero Venancio, Militante. Guatemala
87. Roger
Herrera, Informativo Eco Urbano
88. Gustavo
Guzmán Castillo, Educador Social. España
89. Hernán
Ouviña, Sociólogo. Argentina
90. Blanca
Cordero, Cooordinadora del Posgrado de Sociología, BUAP. México
91. Fernando
Limón, Ecosur. México
92. Anibal
Quijano. Perú
93. Erika
Muñoz Villarreal, Centro de Estudios Kumanday, Colombia
94. Daniel
Mathews, Programa de Doctorado Universidad de Concepción, Chile
95. León
Moraria, escritor, Mérida. Venezuela
96. Dennis
Herrarte, Guatemala
97. Carolina
Ortiz Fernández, Profesora UNMSM. Perú
98. Roberto
Lay Ruiz. Perú
99. Danilo
Quijano. Perú
100. Nicolás
Cruz Tineo, Director Ejecutivo
IDEAC, República Dominicana
101. Mario
Bladimir Monroy Gómez, Instituto Intercultural Ñöñho, A.C. México
102. Juan
Humberto Botzoc Che. Guatemala
103. José
Leopoldo Sánchez Niño, Bogotá. Colombia
104. Rosalba
Zambrano Velasco, Universidad Iberoamericana, Puebla. México
105. Diana
Castillo M. Colombia
106. Julio
Cerén, Toronto. Canadá
107. Luca
Brogioni. Firenze, Italia
108. Marco
Della Pina, Università di Pisa. Italia
109. Alfonso
Cotera Fretel. Perú
110. Francisco
Verano, Presidente COLACOT. Venezuela
111. Montserrat
Ponsa, Periodista. Fundación Cultura de Paz. España
112. Willybaldo
Montero Chura
113. Javier
Arjona, Prensa indígena. México
114. Maximo
Ba Tiul. Sociólogo. Guatemala
115. Katia
Valenzuela F. Socióloga, Facultad de Cs. Sociales, Universidad de Concepción. Chile
116. María
Concepción Reyes Pazos, Silvia, Cauca. Colombia.
117. Cristian
Zúñiga. Colombia
118. Beatriz
Suárez. Lima, Perú
119. Luis
Isarra Delgado. Secretario General de la FENTAP. Perú
120. Nuvia
Martínez. Colombia
121. Olga
Lucia Álvarez. Colombia
122. Giulia
Poscetti. Italia
123. Myrna
Eligia Torres Rivas. Centroamericana
124. Salima
Cure, Antropóloga UN. Colombia
125. Guillermo
Valero, Artista y Ecologista. Colombia
126. J.
Uriel Aréchiga Viramontes, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana- Iztapalapa
(UAM-I). México
127. Carolina
Landaida Sivori, Socióloga Universidad de Concepción. Chile
128. Rubén
Darío Pardo, Docente Universidad del Quindío. Colombia
129. Fernando
Arellano Ortiz, Periodista. Colombia
130. Beverly
Bell, Other Worlds. US
131. Ana
Zambrano, Directora Colombia Vive, Massachussetts. EEUU
132. Aivun Nuvia. Colombia
133. Sheila
Gruner, Activista y Profesora de la Universidad de Algoma. Canadá
134. Jeff
Conant, Global Justice Ecology Project. EEUU
135. Ben
Dangl, Activista y Periodista, Upsidedown World. EEUU
136. David
Alberto Duque Negro. Colombia
137. Aura
Catherine Carvajal Jojoa, Docente. Colombia
138. Oscar
Sandoval. Honduras
139. Kate
Hodgson, Abogada. Islas Británicas
140. Rachel
Waller, Abogada. Londres. Reino Unido
141. Marcela
Escribano, Alternatives, Montreal. Canadá
142. Alberto
Arroyo Picard, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana.
México
143. Pilar
Castilla, Trabajadora de la Educación, G. Alvear, Mza. Argentina
144. Hildebrando
Vélez G. Universidad del Valle. Colombia
145. Edgardo
Lander. Venezuela
146. Inés
Izaguirre, Socióloga, docente e Investigadora, UBA y co-vicepresidenta APDH.
Argentina
147. Rick
Arnold. Canadá
148. José
Seoane, Profesor e Investigador Universidad de Buenos Aires y GEAL. Argentina
149. Miguel
Monserrat, Copresidente de la Asamblea Permanente por los Derechos
Humanos-APDH. Argentina
150. Dolores
Jarquin. Otro Mundo es Posible. Nicaragua
151. Alicia
Herbón, Secretaria de Educación de la Mesa Directiva de la Asamblea Permanente
por los Derechos Humanos. Buenos
Aires. Argentina.
152. Liliana
Seró, Posadas, Misiones. Argentina
153. Leandro
Daniel Barsottelli, Neuquén-Neuquén. Argentina
154. Alicia
Fernández Gómez. Estado Español
155. María
Maneiro, Socióloga. Argentina
156. Gong-U,
Gang, Izquierda Autonomista. Corea del Sur
157. Katherine
Vargas, Universidad Pedagógica Nacional. Colombia
158. María
Laura Ramognino. Argentina
159. Jorge
P. Colmán, Coordinador General, Agencia Popular de Comunicación
Suramericana-APCS. Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Perú y Uruguay
160. Lilia
Mabel Sánchez, Buenos Aires, Argentina
161. Julia
Martínez Herrera, Argentina
162. Reinaldo
Ledesma. Sociólogo. Santiago del Estero, Argentina
163. Atariy
Santiago, USC Pueblo Diaguita Cacano. Argentina
164. Mónica
Palferro, USC Pueblo Diaguita Cacano, Miembro del Consejo Educativo Autónomo de
Pueblos Indígenas CEAPI, Argentina
165. Alicia
Jardel, Profesora. Bélgica
166. Mirta
Pereira, Asesora FAPI. Paraguay
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